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I am trying to find my father among the 200 people
standing on the steps of the
Dining Hall of Trinity
College Dublin. They are lined up five or six deep,
simultaneously close and distant. At last I make him out,
though his face is hardly more than an abstract pattern,
an idea of a face, for I am viewing the original
photograph on the web, and something has been lost in
translation. These are pixels that were his eyes.
Nevertheless, once identified, his remembered features
blossom from the mosaic, and I see him clearly.
The photograph, of the Great Joint Congress of the
British and Irish Esperanto Associations, was taken at a
quarter to three in the afternoon of Easter Sunday, April
6 1969, and was followed by an ecumenical service. An
inauguration and welcome was held on Good Friday. On the
Saturday were the specialist meetings, films in Esperanto
and a buffet dance. Other events on the Sunday included
the annual general meeting of the British Esperanto
Association, lectures and an art and entertainment
evening. There were excursions on Easter Monday.
I look at the photograph again, imagining my father
participating in these events, conversing with strangers
in the instant camaraderie of Esperanto, no doubt spinning
yarns to them, or singing to them. He had quite a
reputation as a storyteller, and singer, in three
languages: English, his first; Irish, his second; and
Esperanto, his third.
As I write, it is April 14 2004, the Wednesday after
Easter, and my father would be celebrating his 88th
birthday, were he alive. Ludwig Zamenhof, the inventor of
Esperanto, died precisely a year after my father, William
Carson, was born, on April 14 1917: a coincidence that was
a source of pride to my father, though he never mentioned
that the Titanic, built in our home town of Belfast, had
struck the fatal iceberg on April 14 1912.
Ludovic Lazarus Zamenhof was born in Bialystok, the
first of the eight children of Marcus and Rozalia Zamenhof,
on December 15 1859. Bialystok was then in Polish
Lithuania, and part of the Russian empire. The town was a
Babel. The native upper classes spoke Polish, the lower
Lithuanian; a population of Yiddish-speaking Jews had long
been established; there was a substantial German
mercantile class; the administration and the army were
Russian, and the golden domes of a Russian Orthodox church
shone in the main square.
By the age of nine Zamenhof knew, in this order,
Russian, Polish, Yiddish, German and Lithuanian, as well
as some Hebrew and Greek learned from his father, an
atheistic Jewish teacher of geography and languages.
From an early age Zamenhof was anguished that men and
women everywhere looked much the same, yet spoke
differently, and thought themselves to be Poles, or
Russians, Germans, Jews, and so on, instead of human
beings. Thinking that grown-ups were omnipotent, he
resolved that, when he was grown up, he would abolish this
evil; for no one, he said afterwards, can feel the misery
of barriers as strongly as a ghetto Jew, and no one can
feel the need for a language free from a sense of
nationality as strongly as the Jew who is obliged to pray
to God in a language long since dead, receives his
education and upbringing in the language of a people who
reject him, and has fellow-sufferers around the world with
whom he cannot communicate.
While still at school Zamenhof began thinking of a
universal language, and by 1878 he had invented one. Five years previously his father had moved with his
family to Warsaw, where, to supplement his income as a
teacher of German in the Veterinary Institute, he took
on extra work as a state censor. In 1879, when Zamenhof went off to study medicine in Moscow, he left
his extensive notes for the new language in his
father's care. Immediately recognising the danger of
possessing such documents, written in a secret
language by a poor Jewish student, his father burned
them.
In Moscow, Zamenhof became involved with Zionism,
but grew disillusioned with the movement, which he
found too exclusivist. He returned to Warsaw, and to
his dream of an international language. Finding it
destroyed, he reconstructed it from memory. In 1886,
the year in which he matriculated in ophthalmology, he
became engaged to Klara Zilbernik, the daughter of a
prosperous businessman. For two years Zamenhof had
unsuccessfully sought a publisher for a booklet in
which he which described the new language. Klara's
father, impressed by the idealism of his future
son-in-law, offered to have the book printed at his
expense. This was done; the proofs were held for two
months in the censor's office, but fortunately the
censor was a friend of Zamenhof's own father, who by
now had withdrawn his objections to the project.
On July 14 1887 the censor authorised the booklet
and it was published in Russian; editions in Polish,
French, German, and English soon followed. They all
contained the same introduction and reading matter in
the international language: the Lord's Prayer, a
passage from the Bible, a letter, poems, the complete
grammar of sixteen rules, and a vocabulary of 900
roots. The work was signed with the pseudonym "Doktoro
Esperanto" - Esperanto meaning "one who hopes" - and
the new language, by general usage, became known as
Esperanto.
Dr Esperanto and Klara Zilbernik were married on
August 9 1887, and spent the first few months of their
life together promoting Esperanto, putting the booklet
describing the new language into envelopes and posting
them to foreign newspapers and journals. William
Carson, my father, was born in the "Catholic ghetto"
of the Falls Road district of Belfast, the first of
the seven children of David and Catherine Carson, on
April 14 1916. For many years our family maintained a
rumour verging on belief - which our father did
nothing to dispel, and we did not undertake to check -
that he had been born on Easter Monday, 1916.
It was a powerfully attractive date for one such as
my father, a fervent Irish nationalist of the old
school. On that day, Padraig Pearse had proclaimed an
Irish Republic and, with his comrades, had taken up
arms against Britain. Towards the end of my father's
life I learned that Easter Monday 1916 fell on April
24. My father then would have been ten days old. I
never mentioned the discrepancy to him; he had never
claimed the date himself, after all.
I discovered this fact in the course of writing a
memoir that included a chapter on my teenage passion
for collecting stamps, particularly those of the
Republic of Ireland, or the Irish Free State - or Àire,
the Irish name for the island of Ireland, as it is
designated on the stamps. One of my favourites was the
Easter Rising commemorative issue of 1946, commonly
known as "The Gunman", which depicts an armed
volunteer against a backdrop of the General Post
Office in Dublin, the centre of the insurrection.
It was perfectly in keeping with the mythology that
my father should have spent all his working life as a
postman, beginning as a messenger at the age of14,
delivering telegrams to the linen merchants, shipping
and insurance agents of downtown Belfast. It was in
the Belfast GPO that he first heard the Irish language
being spoken, by two of his colleagues, and fell under
its spell, as he recounts in his memoir in that
language, Is Cuimhin Liom an t-Am (I Remember the
Time). He was determined to learn Irish, and became
fluent in a couple of years. Willie Carson became Liam
Mac Carráin, sometimes known as Liam Carson.
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He proceeded to teach Irish in his spare time, and
fell in love with one of his pupils, Mary Maginn. When
they married, in 1944, they made a resolution to speak
exclusively Irish at home. It was forbidden to speak
English, which my siblings and I picked up off the
street. Since no one else in the neighbourhood spoke
Irish, we were regarded with a mixture of terror and
pity by other children. We used Irish as a code to
disparage them unbeknownst to them. Within Ireland
there was Northern Ireland; within Northern Ireland,
Belfast; within Belfast, the Falls Road; within the
Falls Road, the Carson family, or Clann Mhic Carr áin,
a household with its own laws, customs and language.
In 1937 the Irish Free State, under its new
constitution, officially became Àire, and my father,
aged 21, encountered Esperanto. Liam Malone, an
Esperantist, came to my father's Irish class. He kept
badgering my father to learn the new language (I
translate and paraphrase from my father's memoir), but
my father had no initial interest.
However: Malone
had lots of pen-pals throughout Europe, one of whom was a
Dutchman, Arie Kuipers. The Dutchman began to express an
interest in Irish affairs and asked Malone to teach him Irish
through the medium of Esperanto. Malone was ashamed to admit
he was only a beginner at Irish himself, so asked my father if
he would teach Irish to the Dutchman. My father agreed; Malone
gave his address to the Dutchman, and the next week my father
got a letter, in English, from the Dutchman, saying he hoped
my father had English, and if my father would teach him Irish,
the Dutchman would teach him Esperanto as a recompense. So
they began to write to each other. In a couple of months my
father had learned Esperanto, and Arie Kuipers was making good
progress in Irish. English was soon dispensed with. They
corresponded for 50 years.
My father's learning Esperanto in a couple of months is not
exceptional. Zamenhof intended his language to be easily
learned. His was not the first artificial language; many
others - sometimes of a bewildering complexity, sometimes
unpronounceable - preceded Esperanto.
The earliest attempts at a universal language arose from
the medieval idea that man might attain to a perfect knowledge
of the universe. The whole sum of things might, it was
thought, be brought by division and subdivision within an
orderly scheme of classification. To any conceivable thing or
idea capable of being expressed by human speech might
therefore be attached a corresponding word, like a label, on a
perfectly regular and logical system. Words would therefore be
self-explanatory to any person who had grasped the system, and
would serve as an index or key to the things they represented. Language thus became an analytical tool, a philosophical
system.
Say you want to find a book in a library. You look it up in
a catalogue, where you find its reference number - say,
PZ0477.f.26D. If you have learned the system of classification
of that library, the reference number would tell you where to
find that particular book out of millions; moreover, it would
indicate what kind of book it was. The initial P would at once
place the book in a certain main division, and so on with the
other numbers, till those at the end of the series would lead
you to a particular bookcase, a particular shelf, and finally
to the book itself.
Just so a word in a philosophical language. In 1668 John
Wilkins, Bishop of Chester and first secretary of the Royal
Society, described by John Aubrey as "a very ingeniose man
with a very mechanical head" published An Essay towards a Real
Character and a Philosophical Language, in which he divided
the universe into 40 categories or classes, subdivisible in
turn into species. To each class he assigned a monosyllable of
two letters; to each difference, a consonant; to each species,
a vowel. For example, de means element; deb, the first of the
elements, fire; deba, a portion of the element of fire, a
flame. Thus every letter of a word was meaningful, within the
context of the vast library of the universe.
Not surprisingly, Wilkins's language attracted the
attention of that most bookish of writers, Jorge Luis Borges,
who dedicated an essay to the subject; surprisingly, he did
not mention the musical language invented by Jean FranÀois
Sudre in 1817.
Sudre had been struck by the fact that the notes of the
scale were known with a definite syllabic value, namely, do,
re, mi, fa, sol, la, si, all over the civilised world. With
these seven syllables only, he proceeded to make up his
vocabulary, according to principles of philosophical
classification. Initial do indicated a class of key, that of
Man, moral and physical; dodo gave a sub-class, religion; dododo a third sub-division, and so on.
The other major classifications were re, clothing,
household, family; mi, human actions, bad qualities; fa,
country, agriculture, war, sea, travel (fafa stood for
sickness and medicine); sol, arts, sciences; la, industry,
commerce; and si, society, government, finance, police. With
words of five syllables, a fairly comprehensive dictionary
could be made: arithmetic tells us that we could have seven
monosyllabic words, 49 of two syllables, 336 of three; as for
longer words, Sudre was satisfied with 2, 268 of four
syllables, 9,072 of five. By shifting the accent from one
syllable to another, he formed within a single stem the verb,
the noun of the thing, the noun of the person, and the adverb
corresponding to a given idea.
Sudre called his language SolrÀsol, and thought its
resources practically unlimited, not least because such a
system lends itself to all possible forms of graphic,
phonetic, and optical expression. If the seven notes of the
musical scale are pronounced in the ordinary way, you can
speak the language like any other; but you can also sing it,
or play it on an instrument; with bells and horns, you can
communicate to a ship in distress; substitute the seven
colours of the rainbow for the seven notes of the scale, and
you have an optical language, to be spoken by means of flags,
lanterns or rockets.
Enthusiasts of Sudre's language thought that elaborate
works of oratory might be produced by means of son et lumiÀre,
or poems in the form of banquets, for the system could as
easily appeal to the gustatory senses. It was undeniable that SolrÀsol was admirably suited to stenography, for the seven
simple signs could be reduced further, to d, r, m, f, so, l,
s. In short, it was truly universal in its application. It was
favourably reported on by committees of the French Institute,
and received enthusiastic endorsements from eminent artists
and scientists, including Jules Verne and Victor Hugo.
Languages such as Wilkins's and Sudre's, in which words are
generated by formulae, without taking any account of existing
languages and their structure, are known as a priori
languages. Directly opposed to these is the other main group
of artificial languages, called a posteriori. These are based
on the principle of borrowing from existing languages: their
artificiality consists of choice of words and in
regularisation and simplification of vocabulary and grammar;
they avoid, as far as possible, elements of arbitrary
invention.
Zamenhof's is essentially an a posteriori language, built
around a common stock of root-words of European origin, though
it might be argued that his system of prefixes and suffixes,
his solution to the problem of attaching a multiplicity of
words to the multiplicity of things in the world, is a priori.
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According to his
own account, it came about like this: "One day, when I was in
the sixth or seventh class at school, I happened to notice the
sign svejcarskaja (porter's lodge - place of the porter) and
then I noticed the sign konditorskaja (confectioner's shop -
place of sweets). This -skaja caught my attention and showed
me that by means of suffixes one word can be made into other
words which need not be separately learnt. This thought took
hold of me, and suddenly I felt my feet on firm ground. A ray
of light fell upon those huge, terrifying dictionaries, and
they began to dwindle rapidly before my eyes."
It has also been said that Zamenhof's Jewishness and his
knowledge of Hebrew is inseparable from his invention of
Esperanto, for a logical economy of root consonants is common
to both languages. Thus, in Hebrew , the root SFR is used for sefer (book), sifrah (library), and sifrut (literature), and
so on. To take an example from Esperanto, the root san
generates sano (health), sana (healthy), sanulo (healthy
person), malsano (ill-health), sanigi (to cure), and so on.
Whatever the case, Zamenhof's list of prefixes is an
interesting reflection of his priorities, or how he saw the
world, thus: bo/ relative by marriage; dis/ separation,
dispersal; ek/ commencement, suddenness; eks/ former; ge/ both
sexes together; mal/ opposite; mis/ wrongly; pra/
primordiality, remoteness of relationship; re/ return,
repetition. The list of some 30 official suffixes, not to
mention the many technical suffixes referring to science and
medicine, is too long to give here.
To give some examples, ar represents a collective, or
group: arb/aro, forest; hom/aro, mankind. The suffix em is a
disposition or tendency: kompren/ema, understanding; parol/ema,
talkative; mort/ema, mortal. Sometimes a suffix can apply to
several related categories, as in aĵo, (i) a concrete
manifestation of an abstraction: nov/aĵo, a novelty; (ii) the
external manifestation of an activity: seg/aĵo, sawdust; (iii)
a characteristic piece of behaviour: infan/aĵo, a childish
act; (iv) the flesh of an animal: bov/aĵo, beef. Once the
system is learned, one can generate any amount of words from
the comparatively small stock of roots. I never properly
learned Esperanto. I could not entirely subscribe to my
father's espousal of it as a weapon against the growing
domination of English, and a shield for minority languages,
particularly Irish. I felt uncomfortable with its dream of
universal brotherhood.
Until I first left home at 18 or 19 to take a summer job in
a canning factory in England, I had barely spoken a word of
English to my father. Now, emboldened by exile, I began to
write to him in English, the language in which I was most
fluent by now, for my Irish was largely arrested at the stage
of domestic conversation. In these Anglophone letters home I
would argue with him against Esperanto, contending, for
example, that it was not a fit vehicle for writing poetry, to
which I was beginning to aspire. I said I loved natural
languages, and the well-worn words in them, as a sculptor
might love an irregular piece of wood with its individual
grain, its knots and bumps and knobbles. Esperanto by
comparison seemed bland and plastic, with no weight of history
behind its meanings.
Looking back, it seems to me that my understanding of
Esperanto was somewhat one-dimensional. I had not considered,
for example, the poetic potentiality of those prefixes and
suffixes, or Esperanto's natural tendency towards poetic
compounds, as exemplified in the following haiku by the
contemporary Japanese poet Miyamoto Masao:
Marhorizonto majpluve nun nebulas, nur mut' - marondo.
(sea-horizon / like May-rain now mists / only muteness -
sea-wave)
Moreover, it was undeniable that the language, as a means
of communication between strangers, was singularly effective. My father's postal round, or "walk" was in downtown Belfast
for most of his career. He habitually wore the little green
star stickpin that was the emblem of Esperanto speakers;
habitually, he would be recognised as a fellow by other
Esperantists, and a conversation would ensue.
Among the most notable of these encounters was his meeting
a Chinese man. They corresponded for some years. The Chinese
man sent my father Mao's Little Red Book in Esperanto; my
father sent him an Esperanto New Testament. A piece appeared
in the local paper describing the relationship, headlined
Belfast Postman Knows the Thoughts of Chairman Mao, and a few
days later - this was in the days of the cold war - our house
was stoned by local anti-Communist vigilantes.
On another occasion, my father met the captain of a Russian
warship, who invited him and my younger brothers Brendan and
Liam on board his ship, moored in Belfast Harbour, for high
tea and a guided tour of the gun emplacements.
As for Arie Kuipers, he became a kind of uncle to us,
particularly to my sister CaitlÀn, to whom he would send
birthday cards written in the Irish he had learned from my
father. For many years my father dreamed of going to Holland
to meet his old pen-pal; but he never did, and they never met
face to face. I have before me a letter from Arie Kuipers to
my father, given to me a few days ago by Caitl án. It is dated
March 10 1987, and Arie and my father have been writing to
each other for 50 years:
Kara Amiko Liam! Kiel belan surprizan mi ricevis de vi la
3-an de ĉi-tiu monato, du tagojn post mia 84-a naskiĝtago! Mi ne scias, kiel danki vin, escepte per miaj preĝoj por vi kaj
via tuta familio...
My dear friend Liam! What a beautiful surprise I received
from you on the 3rd of this month, two days after my 84th
birthday! I do not know how to thank you, except through my
prayers for you, and all your family . . .
At the end of the letter my father has written, in
Esperanto and Irish, "Arie died on the 19th May 1987. This is
his last letter to me. May God grant him eternal rest in
Paradise!"
A few days later, I receive, from John Murray of the Irish
Esperanto Association, a better copy of the web photograph of
the Great Congress that includes my father, standing on the
steps of the Dining Hall at Trinity College. I am reminded
that I, too, was once in the same dining hall, invited there
for dinner before giving a poetry reading in December 2003.
I scan the photograph with the magnifier provided by Adobe
Acrobat, looking for my father. I home in on the left-hand
pillar of the portico, where I was sure he was standing. My
heart jumps. This person is not my father; I had been misled
by the blur of pixels. Eventually I do find him, looking
younger than I remember him; but then, he is only 53, two
years younger than I am now. My father died on March 24 1999,
10 days before Easter Sunday.
At the Trinity reading, I was conferred with honorary
membership of the Irish Translators' and Interpreters'
Association for my translation of Dante's Inferno: a poem
written not in Latin, the Esperanto of its day, but in Dante's
Florentine vernacular. I was sorry my father could not have
been there. I think he would have been pleased, even though my
translation is into English.
Saturday
May 1, 2004
The Guardian
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